Monday, September 23, 2013

No Reconciliation Without Liberation



One of the things that drew me to Duke Divinity School was the presence of The Center for Reconciliation (CFR), an initiative the Duke made prominent on its website. I had always felt called to reconciliation work, so when I arrived at Duke, I was intentional about developing a relationship with the department and participated in most of their events. Most of my Black friends, especially the ones from the South thought I was crazy to genuinely participate in reconciliation efforts, especially those led by white folks. Many of them were of the mindset that reconciliation was about assimilating to what white people’s vision of everybody just getting along, and the co-opting of the gospel as a tool of Black submission. Black people who were really about change didn’t play white people’s games.

This perspective seemed cynical to me. I had known many a white person who shared my vision of beloved community, a community that fought together for the justice of all people. I was so committed to the cause of reconciliation that I pursued a coveted field education placement through CFR and was awarded a position in Mississippi to work with a small white Methodist church that was intentional about welcoming all kinds of people. While on many levels I had an amazing experience developing relationships with my host family, the fellow sojourner, and the pastor of the church I worked with and the congregation, my experience with my field education supervisor in Mississippi and the required follow up class, where we studied reconciliation from a theoretical perspective, left me wounded and ready to abandon reconciliation work for good. James Cone’s God of the Oppressed provides language I would have benefited from in articulating my profound disappointment in what I perceived as a lack of commitment to the most urgent reconciliation needs at Duke, and in the reconciliation movement in general, the need for liberation and racial justice.


Reconciliation at CFR focused on the poor. While this was certainly a worthwhile focus, it did not speak to the very present injustice Black people experienced on a daily basis, within the walls of Duke Divinity and the greater Durham community. In fact, the focus on the poor side stepped white people’s persistent participation in injustice and racial oppression, making it very difficult to be honest with my co-laborers in the pursuit of reconciliation. Whenever a Black person raised a concern about the dismissal and disregard of racism in our midst, we were beat back with the “but what about the poor” shtick. When we became frustrated with the evasive device we were told we weren’t living into the mandates of God with the “right” attitude and sent to read a book to set us straight. No attention was paid to the potential misunderstanding of reconciliation of the leadership. Moreover the concept of liberation was never spoken of, let alone a liberationist perspective of the Gospel. Instead, countless examples of an absolutist concept of forgiveness set in Africa was peddled as authentic reconciliation. Don’t get me wrong, these examples of radical forgiveness were amazing and affective in communicating the power of forgiveness, but it was always the act of the forgiver that was emphasized and never the responsibility of the one who was to be forgiven. Such an approach left the Black students in the class yearning for our perspective and our needs to be addressed, but they never were.

Forgiveness and love are important tenants of the Christian life, but reconciliation without liberation is, as James Cone would say, heretical.[1] What we experienced was half of the gospel. A mandate to smile, get along and forgive, without any repentance on the part of those who had abused us. Our teachers and our supervisors became our oppressors when they dictated what reconciliation must look like, what books we could read on the topic (the curriculum included no Black thinkers, save the canned MLK rhetoric white people use to for their own benefit), and labeled us “problems” or “angry” if we questioned the lack of an ethic of political action in pursuit of justice or challenged them to tell the truth about racism. In fact CFR did violence to its Black students by neglecting the urgent need for real liberation and reconciliation within them and calling them uncooperative and punishing them with bad evaluations when they failed to be happy with the methods and goal of the initiative. For me that looked like a scathing field evaluation in which I was labeled as angry, an attitude unbefitting reconciliation work, and a strained relationship with the director of CFR, when I challenged his methodology about class. After reading James Cone’s God of the Oppressed, I realize the fatal disconnect in Black and white theology that compromises most reconciliation efforts. Our social locations cause us to construct our theologies in very different ways. White supremacy compromises a liberative reading of the Gospel for white people and our experiences of oppression make liberation the most urgent aspect of the message for Black people. Cone contends, “Indeed because the values of white culture are antithetical to biblical revelation it is impossible to be white (culturally speaking) and also think biblically.”[2] While I cannot indict all white people of a failure to be biblically minded, I can identify the ways in which white supremacy infected the thinking of the all white leadership in my journey of reconciliation. My professor and field education supervisor were incapable of seeing their participation in racist oppression, even in the work of reconciliation. They wanted to set the agenda, tell me what reconciliation was and had to be and dictate my posture toward them in the midst of the work.  I had to agree with their methods, their end goal and their philosophy. Furthermore they did not take seriously the rich resource of Black theology and the Black experience.

I remember specifically being in class discussing lament. The professor went on for about fifteen minutes discussing the lack of practices of lament in the church. This perplexed me since the weekly altar call in the Black church, where believers come to the altar, and lay their weariness, disappointment, fear and every other burden before the altar in the hopes that God will hear and they will be revived seemed to be a practice that was alive and well. Yet when I offered my observation it was disregarded and a conversation about how a white person found it difficult to lament became the focus of the rest of the two-hour class. Not only did I feel like my contribution was disregarded, but I felt like the rest of my time was wasted. This solidified my perception of feeling like a second-class citizen and fed my suspicions that my idea of reconciliation differed greatly from the vision of the leaders of CFR. Perhaps my Black counterparts were right. Perhaps they did want our presence, but only if we were willing to submit to be flies on the wall without perspective, tools or expectations.

Submission and forgiveness are not the same thing. Cone argues, questions of the prevailing injustice present in the church and in reconciliation initiatives “must inform a Black theological analysis of reconciliation, and cannot be answered by spiritualizing Christ’s emphasis on love, as if his love is indifferent to social and political justice.”[3] This is what so many Black people in reconciliation long for and name, but when the theoretical approach to reconciliation is a white one, such questions are seen as divisive. As such Black people in reconciliation who speak the truth are treated as rebellious, unchristian sowers of discord.

My experience with white-centered reconciliation has been bad, but I still feel committed to a counter cultural vision of God’s community. I am not willing to say that white people can have no say in what a reconciliation effort should look like, that they should be rejected from koininia (the fellowship of God’s community) or that they are incapable of right theological thinking as Cone has said. Instead, I will continue to fight, but fight in a way that takes my needs, and the needs of those oppressed like me, seriously. I’ve decided I will no longer be a part of any reconciliation ministry unless it gives the same attention to liberation that it does to reconciliation, has Black leaders contributing to its philosophy and methodology and uses Black theology and experience as a resource for its efforts. I don’t want to have to lie to make others feel comfortable, conform to someone else’s notion of what it means to be reconciled to each other or suppress my needs for racial justice. I’d like to be a part of a reconciliation effort where white people don’t just expect for Black people to make the effort to bridge our dissonant understandings, but are willing to do the work, allowing the Spirit to heal their minds of white supremacy and understanding the perspective of the oppressed.[4] I wonder if ministries like this exist?




[1] Cone, James. God of the Oppressed, Orbis Books: New York, 1973, p. 36
[2]Ibid, p.88
[3] Ibid, 208
[4] Ibid, 89

Monday, September 9, 2013

A Spirituality for Me?


      In the midst of great injustice in America, particularly injustice that Christianity should respond to, I often feel a tension between my concept of God and ethical commitments, and the value system being demonstrated by white Americans. This is especially the case as I watch them deny the existence of racism. It seems Jesus is lord over everything but white privilege, or perhaps his favor only extends to those with white skin. Of course I know better. Black Christianity has always been different, our conception of God steeped in a deeply ingrained sense of connection and responsibility to our community, that bucks the selfishness of American individualism. Historically, The religious spirit that the slaves nurtured and promoted in various secret assemblies was undoubtedly subversive… As a consequence those secret meetings became the locus for the development of an alternative understanding of the Christian gospel which the slaves celebrated and proclaimed in many varied ways.” (39) The differences in black and white Christianity was not just a consequence of the unique oppressive situations Black people found themselves in, but is a derivative of the distinct African cosmology and value system imbedded in African peoples.

      In his treatment of The Spiritualties of African People, Peter Paris recovers the African cosmological and ethical system at work in various ways in the values and practices of the people of the African Diaspora.  In it Paris explores the interdependence and fluidity of the concepts of God, community, family and personhood and their unity in a telos of the preservation and promotion of the harmony and benefit of the community. (130) Such information is priceless to the Black American Christian trying to make sense of the dissonance of their spiritual and ethical sensibilities and the dominant religious schema. Paris contends Black Americans have never been able to fully buy into the individualism of the West, because it contradicts their understanding of personhood.  He offers, “the communal traditions of African Americans (deeply rooted in Africa and preserved through slavery in the family, music, and religion) have made it psychologically impossible for the vast majority of them to embrace fully the basic value system of white Americans.” (126) From an African perspective, People are to seek to live a good life check, one where they are of value to their community – check, so that are blessed with a good death - … ok, so that they might function as the link between their descendants and the spirit realm— come again? In one’s death they are honored by their family, which consequently facilitates a person’s immortality— Houston, we have a problem here.

     I was super excited for a spirituality congruent with my innate sensibilities toward the unity of  community and personhood, but my American orientation is compromising my enthusiasm for the spiritual economy of my native land.  Further, what am I, a single woman with no children to do with all this talk about descendants? How do I achieve mortality? Paris recounts that in African cultures marriage is the focus of existence, not only does it join two families together, expanding their family unit and resources, but it makes procreation possible.  From the African perspective, no greater tragedy befalls a woman than to be childless because she has no one to maintain her immortality after death, and she fails to carry out her role as the “vehicle in the cyclical process of life.” (112) Hmm… so does my life have meaning? How am I connected to the community? Should I feel like a failure because I have neglected to carry out my biological/spiritual/ communal duty?

     In many cases, I think the latent African value system inscribed in the spirits of most black women does instigate a sense of guilt, and a scrambling to make meaning out of a life that has the potential of being deemed meaningless because of a lack of husband and children. I wonder if this is why many of us remain in relationships that don’t work, and why we tend to see so many women become hyper-involved in civic and church activities. It seems if we cannot fulfill our responsibilities as the physical conduits to the perpetuity of the community, we take it upon ourselves to contribute to its well being through acts of service and surrogacy.

      Despite the withholding of the rock star status of ancestor, I think I fare better, in a system where I may be subordinated due to my lack of biological productivity, yet have the opportunity of attaining premier status for my contributions to the community through acts of service, rather than the white Christian system where I have no chances of consideration on account of my blackness. After all, the former entails a commitment to a community I feel called to, with or without children. I suppose the lack of children even makes my social contributions easier to perform, and in the end, I will be providing for my extended sons and daughters, present in the community in which I am indeed a part of, even if I don’t get to intercede on their behalf when I transition to the spirit realm. By then I’ll need a break anyway.





 






Monday, September 2, 2013

No Party Hats for Me

       There will be no party hats for me, no buttons celebrating the semi-centennial of the March on Washington. I am even canceling my order for my Time-Life commemorative plate for the 2008 election. I’m tired of cheap celebrations of triumph that never really happened. As I take inventory of the progress of Blacks fifty years after the March on Washington, and almost 150 years after emancipation, it is clear we have not overcome. Though blacks have obtained the ballot, a black man occupies the highest office in the land and I, a black woman, write this from a cushy fellowship at Vanderbilt University, the pressing physical, legal and economic threats to black life remain oddly intact. While the subordinate status of Blacks in America has become more covert, little has changed in the last century. How can I say this? The inclusion of blacks as equal participants in society is a reality, right? We have been begrudgingly grafted into the system, but at what cost?

       The Black Community has been pacified by inclusion, without demanding equity. We naively thought that having a seat at the table would somehow make us equal, yet the political and economic climate of America maintains Black subordination and White supremacy. Both the results of the Civil Rights Movement and the 2008 election accomplished greater inclusion in the system; however, America’s dependence on black exploitation remains unchanged. The excitement of sharing white space and the novelty of a Black man giving the State of the Union address has lulled many into a false sense of progress. Black people, especially those who believe themselves to be middle and upper classed believe they are Americans, and rightfully so, but have we really arrived? Has real progress been achieved, or are we fooling ourselves to believe that because we have attained some bits of individual financial or political success that we have overcome? Do we earn as much as our white counterparts? Are our resources for education on par with that of the rest of society? Do we have businesses to bequeath to our children? Do gated communities keep our sons safe from people killing our sons? Do the laws punish them when they do? We are still socially subordinate, economically preyed upon and politically manipulated. Perhaps we need to do less believing in the system and more believing in ourselves.

         Black Americans have forgotten the importance of self-reliance. We have become disconnected from our livelihood. We bought the hype. We fought for the right to have a seat at the table, but believe our contributions to be inferior, and we have paid the price. So quickly we leapt at the chance to attend white schools and allow latently racist pedagogies to mold the minds of our children, so quickly we seized our rights as Americans to attend the Vanderbilts, Yales and MITs that we abandoned the institutions that nourished our roots when we could barely write our names. Rather than be educated with a sense of the importance of preserving and contributing to our community, black people have participated in systems that have indoctrinated them into White supremacy. In an economy where blackness is dishonorable and anyone striving for respectability is taught to distance themselves from black culture, there can be no ethic of self-reliance. We believe White companies are better to work for than black companies because they yield greater status and quicker return, white products are superior to black products because they are more readily accessible and black people can’t be trusted to create a quality product. Meanwhile, Black people remain the life’s blood of American capitalism, while Black labor and Black dollars leave the Black community with no return on investment.

          There is little to celebrate, except perhaps America’s craftiness in shrouding her oldest sin in the guise of inclusion. A party hat feels more like a dunce cap, as I come to the realization that in many ways inclusion might just do the black community more harm than good. I fear it has made us all, President Obama included, tokens various institutions trot out as a ruse of amends made by America for its systematic and relentless abuse of black people from slavery to the present, without ever truly taking its foot off our necks. I’ll be waiting for equity, otherwise known as fairness, before I start dancing in the streets for progress and when I do, my party hat will be kente cloth, purchased from a third generation, black-owned business, who’s owner is part of a collective of black business owners in the nation. Perhaps it will be the result of a government initiative to establish black economic stability, or the outgrowth of a systematic push to revitalize HBCU’s and foster a spirit of communal cooperation. When I see sustained progress like this, then I will sit for a celebratory feast, and I’ll know it’s real when I am not asked to sit at the kiddy’s table.